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Monday, December 12, 2011

A Brief Report on the Most Bothersome Internet Posts Today

A neo-columbian take on the eastern seaboard. Abhorrent and divisive? Yes.
But who knew that NJ had such contested internal politics? This map is both fascinating and disgusting.

Below you should find a Cartography final created by a Rutgers University
student majoring in Ethnic Studies and Political Communications.
He recently failed the semester.
--------------------------

Sunday, December 11, 2011

Israel Brings Racist Discrimination Policies to U.S Capital

Courtesy of Mondoweiss, covering "The War of Ideas in the Middle East"

***Especially recommended reading for 1) soon-to-be Middlebury graduates looking forward to those burgeoning State Department job opportunities and 2) members of Middlebury Hillel, who continue to sponsor propaganda "Birthright Vacations" and stifle debate over the occupation. Enjoy!
-----------------------------------------------------------------


Lawsuit fights hotel’s decision to bar Muslim employee from serving Israeli officials (UPDATED)

by Alex Kane on December 9, 2011

Arafi
Mohamed Arafi is suing his employer for barring him from servicing an Israeli delegation staying at a Washington, D.C. hotel
Scroll down to see Max Blumenthal's thoughts on the case.
Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak was in town to address the Brookings Institution’s Saban Forum, and Mohamed Arafi, a Moroccan-born U.S. citizen, was ready to work. An entire Israeli delegation, including Barak, was staying at Washington, D.C.’s high-end Mandarin Oriental Hotel, where Arafi has been a valet dry cleaner since late 2009. But when he showed up to work on December 10, 2010, he was told that he was barred from working the two floors where the Israelis were staying. The reason given, according to Arafi, was because he is Muslim, and the Israeli delegation did not want to be served by Muslims.
Now, Arafi and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) are fighting back in the form of legal action alleging employment discrimination by the hotel against Arafi. The recently filed case is currently in district court in Washington, D.C, and comes on the heels of an inconclusive Equal Employment Opportunity Commission ruling on the case.
The hotel is not backing down, and responded in a Nov. 28 filing (pdf) that they were following a national security directive from the State Department that barred Arafi and 11 other employees from serving the Israeli delegation.
Arafi says that the hotel has also punished him for speaking out by cutting his workweek from five days to two days, and that his work colleagues said demeaning things about Muslims to him after the incident became known to them.
“What they want me to do is just quit,” Arafi said in a phone interview. “I don’t want to run away…I want to stay there until I have my rights.” The company has denied Arafi’s charges.
The case could also be seen as a stark illustration of the consequences of Israeli-style “war on terror” attitudes towards Muslims.
The lawsuit describes what happened (pdf), according to Arafi, when the Israeli delegation came to the hotel:
Ms. Escander, [Arafi’s supervisor], stated to Boris [another employee], “Boris, Israel is here. You go up and get the dry cleaning for Mohamed.” Mr. Arafi was confused and asked for an explanation. Ms. Escander stated to Plaintiff, “You know the Israeli delegation is here. You cannot go on the 8th and 9th floor (to pick up or deliver laundry).” Plaintiff asked for further explanation. Ms. Escander stated, “You know how the Israelis are with Arabs and Muslims. It’s better if you just let Boris go.”

Democracy in America is a sick joke and the masses aren't laughing anymore.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/steven-van-zandt/democracy-in-america_b_1139463.html?ref=fb&src=sp&comm_ref=false

Thursday, December 8, 2011

Don't Ignore the Climate Talks: A Problem Greater Than Inaction

The COP17 Durban Climate Ministers are sending a clear message, if ever so politely: "Fuck you, Africa." Keep reading to find an article after the break featuring South African Professor Patrick Bond on the new privatization of soil, activist intimidation, and a Seattle '99 style walkout. 

But first you gotta ask- who let this guy crash the party?



Wednesday, December 7, 2011

Tuesday, December 6, 2011

A Gadfly, A New Year: Notes on Politics and our Next Print Issue

Dear Friends,

This semester has been a slow one for the GADFLY. Please don't fret- we have many fine articles from our contributors on their way. Expect a hardcover print (Issue 2.1) to be out in the first half of J-term, which should include extensive commentary on OWS, Wikileaks, campus politics, college propaganda, and the ongoing discussions over Money at Midd. We are lucky to have a range of students who send us some outstanding material, however many students tend to be 'activists' in their own right, and this semester has (quite surprisingly) provided a load of distraction to this end. In the meantime, please note that past print issues are always available in PDF format (look to the blog's masthead) or a physical copy can be found in The Gamut Room.

Overall, we still maintain a belief in the necessity for continuing our printed medium, keeping materials and cost at an absolute minimum, while maintaining an accessible format which will (in theory) remain for perpetuity. Also, we know you love our dope graphic designers; shout-out to our fans in the Department of Public Safety (any likeness is entirely unintentional). 

Dean Collado may feel it necessary to remind us that there are people working in 'Old Chapel,' but here at the GADFLY we know (that you know?) that indeed, people also inhabit Foucault's panopticon, even if in the metaphorical sense. Such is Old Chapel's inclination- to "observe and normalize." A recent example is the new personal key-code entry on the Bike Shop? 

The administration likes to talk as if we don't all have a web-tracker installed on our laptops from the day we arrive here... how silly of them. We'll keep to our commentary on making this college a more just and unbiased placed to learn. It should go without saying that to achieve such ends, very little escapes critique!

Lastly, one cannot avoid addressing the controversy the GADFLY found itself at the heart of last week, which concerns quite serious accusations of racism and the behavior of armed police officers on campus. Thanks to a guest post on this blog, and persistent instigation of The Middlebury Campus editors, the controversy has been widely disseminated and is expected to appear in next Thursday's paper. While new details and counter-accusations have come to light, one shudders to think that the entire controversy could easily have remained undisclosed. That would have truly been a shame, regardless of one's perspective. 

We encourage you to visit a new blog setup in support of Barrett Smith '13, who was recently fired from his position as FYC of Stewart Hall over alleged misconduct in connection to the controversy. It truly is heartwarming to see students rally together when they perceive injustice- no matter how big or small. You can find the blog through our link here:
                                                                     http://blogs.middlebury.edu/keepbarretthere/

More updates to come later on this week. In the meantime, good luck with finals, work, or the celebration of false idols (Pleasant Saturnalia, Pagans). 


Keep fighting the good fight.

In Solidarity,

the GADFLY

Wednesday, November 23, 2011

Institutional Racism: Alive and Well at Middlebury College

The author has been fired for judgment, conduct and views unbecoming an FYC.

While there are details not present about Luaay's case in this article, it still presents an important perspective on the events that transpired. For better or worse, I chose to focus on Luaay’s removal and the openness of our community. For a more full account of Luaay’s visit check out the Midd-Blog article.

The dialogue surrounding this post has been beautiful. Luaay's case is not the only instance where race and class are implicated in very real ways on campus and in our society. We attend a college whose function is to reproduce the ruling class in an imperialist, white supremacist, patriarchal society. Given the society in which we find ourselves, together we must confront issues of race, class, gender, ability, et cetera to work toward a more just and inclusive community. Share your stories, listen to everyone, engage in dialogue, challenge and grow.

This article was removed between December 1st and 14th, while the my position in the Stewart community was being discussed. Here is the letter that was posted for some of that time. Because it was never my intention to permanently remove this article, here is the original text, returned again to its rightful place in the public forum:

Xenia

      
      And I don’t mean the social house. Xenia is Greek for the concept of guest-friendship. The idea is that you welcome all guests into your home, you feed and house them, and you build lifelong bonds of friendship and connection with them. Xenia is about creating an inclusive community.


     So my friend Luaay has been staying with me for the past week. As I was informed this afternoon, that is in violation of public safety’s guest policy: “A guest of a student may stay in a dormitory no more than three days in any one term.” Surely, Luaay is not the only one to have violated this policy.

      But Luaay’s case is unique in that public safety, without ever having contacted with him, deemed Luaay a "threat to the community" at which point the middlebury police department was called to apprehend him, issuing a No Trespass Order. Some of y’all may have seen him being detained Monday night by five officers in the lobby of davis library. The behavior of middlebury police and the department of public safety officers was consistently condescending and disrespectful towards both Luaay and myself. This appalling behavior continued and was aimed towards other students who subsequently became involved. public safety was not interested in hearing his side of the story; they simply wanted him gone.

      One officer remarked that my friendship with Luaay was “disturbing.” Back in my dorm, gathering Luaay's belongings, middlebury police officers threatened to arrest myself along with three other students, also for trespassing, if we did not "remove Luaay" more expediently.

I have a broken foot. 
I can only move so quickly down four flights of stairs.

     Yet too much attention to my own condition distracts from the larger context. What one needs to be conscious of is how race and class play into this. Is Luaay, a large, dark-skinned, dreadlocked male, who is "unvetted" by our admissions committee, somehow outside our community norms enough to draw such an aggressive response? How secure are the members of our community who also fit into one, two, or three of Luaay's descriptors? Would he have been so forcibly evicted if he were a wealthy or white friend of mine? Can you imagine a situation in which such a friend might be considered “a danger” to the community? I certainly cannot. 

Whom do we welcome into our community and whom do we call the police on? 
This is surely a question that must be addressed. 

This is not the way we treat members of our community. 
This is not the way we treat our guests.


-So-crates

Wednesday, October 19, 2011

A Brief Response to "Why Occupy Wall Street Will Not Succeed"


The name calling that we are perpetuating in this forum attests to just how widespread capitalist cultural control extends and how it fragments our society into subgroups till the point when we loose our collective power.
What is interesting about Occupy Wall Street? It is a call for an open dialogue, and not just one centered on petty quips and debates over the best forms of political reform, but about asking ourselves what has capitalism culturally instilled in us as “proper dialogue” and “acceptable activism”.
It is first and foremost about inclusivity. Capitalist society assures that those in power stay in power by fragmenting knowledge and society into sub-disciplines and subcultures. This “movement”, as no other term has arisen to name it, is about breaking down the walls of our public rhetoric, of what we accept as “rational” thought so that we can benefit from the extensive wealth of knowledge that humanity has generated, but, since the rise of the post-renaissance, modern era, has been subjugated into culturally reproduced and therefore legitimized knowledge, and culturally marginalized and therefore illegitimate or “radical” knowledge.
        Allowing the cultural controls of capitalist society to exclude necessary fields in human knowledge from public conversation is as much of a tool of oppression as militarism or economic exploitation. In fact, it may be even more dangerous as it is not readily evident to most people who are the most effected by it. Disciplines of philosophy, idealism, utopianism, original Marxism, anarchism, communalism, syndicalism, primitivism, modernism, quantum theory, psychology, evolutionary theory, eastern thought, to touch only on the surface level, have all been excluded from the discourse by those who turn the wheels of our globalizing world, and the reaffirmation that these fields of knowledge are somehow separate. They have been excluded from the conversation so that classical economics and the rationalization of irrationalites become the dominant tools of rhetoric; anyone not versed in this conversation is immediately excluded as a radical (another example of a term that has been used to illegitimate large sects of our society), or not holding the institutionally certified credentials to be a validated participant. The point is that these are not “radical thoughts” (in the negative definition that is connoted by that label).
There have been systemic changes in history, collapses of empires, experiments with other systems that have failed, and there is something to be learned from them all. It may seem like an impossibility standing up against such a large web of systemic control, but that is another mechanism that is intrinsic to capitalist cultural control that prevents any challenge to the system from generating any momentum. Just because capitalist society has perpetuated itself to a state of dominance does not validate it, and what we are learning is that there are other, natural systems that are not compatible with this system and if things don’t drastically change shit will hit the fan. 
Why does Occupy Wall Street deserve attention? In many ways it is a hope that there can be a new form of revolution. I’m not arguing that Occupy Wall Street is a revolution waiting to happen, rather that it is merely an instance in what we need to envision as a multitude of smaller global revolutions that are interconnected. It doesn’t matter how small one individual explosion of discontent is, but instead how globalization can be used as a tool to fight. We can pat ourselves on the back for the end of slavery, the civil rights movement, womens' rights movement, public discourse on gender, and all the other “victories” within the system, but within all these the tiniest bit of liberty is won -- just enough so that a real revolution doesn’t take place.
Capitalism is complex. It involves intricate systems of cultural control that are often imperceptible, but to anthropomorphize it for a moment, it knows what it’s doing. It will keep handing us tiny advances to placate our temporal frustration as we bicker with one another about who has a right to speak out against it. Rights aside, we all need to put aside our narcissistic viewpoint and realize we are making one another into enemies.
            Here is my take away message for this Internet forum in a few more than a few sentences. This argument, this polarization, this antagonism, this subjugation, this fragmentation, this selfish want to be the one to bring about change is exactly what capitalism utilizes as a tool to keep itself alive. We are all guilty of it, but we shouldn’t feel guilty about it. It is part of an oppressive system. As easy as it is to throw mud at each other, pick and choose who has a right to speak out against an exploitative system, who really and truly is the most marginalized, who has slept a night in the gutter, we have to fight against this tendency because that is exactly what leads to paralysis. It’s hard and it takes the will of every individual to push against the selfish tendency to want to BE the bearer of real change, when really we should ALLOW for change to happen regardless of an individual hand ushering it in. Life is circumstantial and we shouldn’t ostracize one another for that, but rather recognize that our anger stems from the same focal point.
            Let’s allow ourselves to learn from one another and not just speak so we can feel better about asserting our viewpoint as right. Students perpetuated this conversation, and let’s remember that we have knowledge that is constructive and we can educate one another outside of institutions, not because we are Students (or those who are legitimized by the system as the holders of knowledge), but because we are questioning our systems and ourselves. It’s not about being the first to recognize it, or the most vocal, or the right one, but about not working with capitalist control to smother any attempt at real, systemic change.

Peter

Tuesday, October 18, 2011

Why Occupy Wall Street Will Not Succeed

The Occupy Wall Street movement seeks to protest the greed of the one percent. In the words of Professor Cornel West (one of the protestors), “We are tired of seeing Wall Street’s greed getting rewarded…anytime they make any profits they are privatized, and when losses come up the government decides to socialize them (through the bailouts)…Obama has failed working class America.”

We believe that the Occupy Wall Street is a movement that has grown due to the crème de la crème of the United States. It is rumored that George Soros, Forbes richest man having made his money from Wall Street, funded Occupy Wall Street in its preliminary stages. Most protestors, namely the ones ‘in it for the long haul,’ are direct beneficiaries of the corporate forces that Occupy Wall Street condemns. The Movement is thus hypocritical because they are protesting against the hand that feeds them; it goes without saying that most of these protestors going to Occupy Wall Street, much like Occupy Middlebury, are ‘trustafarians’ who have little to no first hand experience of what they preach. Rather, it is merely a call for solidarity that is fun and exciting to attend and worth experiencing.

The truly overlooked by corporate forces should to be the protesters. Where are they? They are most likely working their nine to five jobs, making ends meet and, unless they sacrifice their vacation time used for loved ones, family and friends, they will have no time for around the clock protesting. A recent article comparing the Slutwalk to Occupy Wall Street put it perfectly, “To get people to join your movement, they need to see themselves reflected in it.” This idea brings us to our main argument: The movement is taking away agency from the people who really need to be protesting and as a result, perpetuating marginalization and powerlessness. Mahatma Gandhi was once asked by a well-meaning British citizen what he could do to help the Indian independence movement. Gandhi asserted, “Nothing!” He understood for independence to be realized for the Indian people they needed to do it for themselves. This same critique is applied to the “in it for the long haul” protesters who are benefactors of the system they criticize.

Have you actually explored the site we are the 99 percent? Those who have been subject to the greed of the few, upload a picture of themselves, with a hand-written statement about what they have suffered and must make sure they write, “I am the 99 percent.” The protestors are perpetuating what Zizek refers to as ‘cultural capitalism,’ explained with a brief story, “in the morning he grabs the money and in the afternoon he gives half of the money back to charity.” In the case of the protesters, they have “grabbed” the leisure of time and money that in turn they put towards a protest. Occupy Wall Street is a pat on the back for those attending and supporting.

This façade of a people’s movement might actually hinder the potential for a successful movement consisting of the proletariat toppling the corporate greed that is controlling their immediate lives. The Declaration of Occupy Wall Street cites, “We write so that all people who feel wronged by the corporate forces of the world can know that we are your allies.” Occupy Wall Street protesters are indeed allies and are not all people. Banality of evil can help us explain where to go from here. We are all accountable. We have all used the oppression of marginalized groups in order to achieve success. We must acknowledge our role in the white noise we created and use our privileges accordingly. 

Co-written by Janet Rodrigues ’12 and Mugo Mutothori ‘12

Wednesday, October 12, 2011

One Dean's View

Thought this was worth sharing. Read the blog post then take a look through the comments. I think you will find that Ms. Rodrigues does in fact get a little help from her friends.

http://blogs.middlebury.edu/onedeansview/2011/10/11/with-a-little-help-from-my-friends/

Tuesday, October 11, 2011

This Week On Campus

The following is a list of scheduled events on the Middlebury College campus this week.

As of this posting, we at the The Gadfly do not explicitly endorse any of these events, but encourage our readers, contributors and fellow inquisitives to attend, in order to better inform one's own position and perspective. All events engage with issues that are of major concern to The Gadfly collective, and are ordered strictly by chronology.

Enjoy your week- perhaps "the bubble" could be in trouble!
- The Gadfly



Wednesday Oct 12th

  • "Black Male Incarceration."
    Prof Keith Reeves (Swarthmore)

    @ 4:30pm in the Robert A. Jones House (RAJ conference room)

  • Corporate Exploitation Film:
    "Crude: The Real Price of Oil"

    @ 7:15pm in Bihall 104

Thursday Oct 13th

  • ES Colloquium Series "The Problem of Proximity: Black Male Incarceration and the Urban Environment."
    Prof Keith Reeves (Swarthmore)

    @ 12:30pm in The Orchard at Hillcrest

  • VT Migrant Farmworker Solidarity Project:
    Danillo Lopez visit

    @ 4:30pm in The Orchard at Hillcrest

  • Student Solidarity March
    in Support of Occupy Wall Street

    @ 4:30pm outside the Davis Library
    (march to be followed by a "General Assembly" at the Gifford Amphitheater)

Friday Oct 14th

  • Occupy Wall Street Panel (Professors and Students followed by an open forum) @ 12:00pm in the Robert A Jones House (RAJ conference room)

Saturday Oct 15th

  • ***Careers on Wall Street Parent's Weekend Panel***

    Come one, come all.
    We know you have many questions to ask!

    We are required to ask that everyone behave in a "civilized manner." (read as you wish)

    @ 9:30-10:30 am in the Robert A Jones House (RAJ conference room)

Video: CBC's Kevin O'Leary gets schooled on #Occupy Wall Street movement by Chris Hedges

http://rabble.ca/rabbletv/program-guide/2011/10/best-net/cbcs-kevin-oleary-gets-schooled-occupy-movement-chris-hedges

this gave us a good laugh.

Thursday, September 29, 2011

a critique of study abroad + my extraordinary everyday

[ This is an essay written for a sociology of tourism class. i've decided to post it here because it expresses some unorthodox ideas about travel, in particular as it pertains to midd students. i encourage others to likewise consider posting schoolwork to the blog. ]

            i attend a college where i am a minority because (1) i do not study a foreign language, and (2) i choose not to study abroad. This raises several questions. Why does a school like Middlebury College place such emphasis on its language and study abroad programs? What objectives does it believe these avenues access? Where do they actually arrive? What is my relation to these directions and destinations as someone who digresses from the trodden path? Why do i digress?

            In seeking to understand the act and rhetoric of studying abroad, it is helpful to draw on the field of tourism studies to investigate how modern humans relate to travel. For Dean MacCannell, the tourist industry represents the proffered solution to modern feelings of alienation (from work, from family, from community, from self) which run rampant in urban and suburban populations. By engaging with the authenticity of others, we are supposedly afforded a dose of reality that makes the unreality of the everyday life tolerable (paradoxically). John Urry’s approach to tourism pursues a similar idea, where modern beings make a temporary departure from the “regulated spheres” of routine life to “engage with a set of stimuli that contrast with the everyday and mundane”. To these understandings Nelson H.H. Graburn adds the dimension of rituality, which invokes discourse about the sacred and profane and about the structure surrounding ritual activities. Moreover, Erik Cohen complicates things by pointing out that escape from alienation is not necessarily the root of all tourist activities, but that a more nuanced “interest in or appreciation of that which is different” spurs variations of “movement away from the spiritual, cultural or even religious centre of one’s ‘world’ into its periphery, towards the centres of other societies”. 

            Since Middlebury has made no official statement regarding the purpose of its study abroad programs, i turn instead to the college’s mission statement under the assumption that study abroad operates along similar guidelines. From the mission statement:

“We strive to engage students' capacity for rigorous analysis and independent thought within a wide range of disciplines and endeavors, and to cultivate the intellectual, creative, physical, ethical, and social qualities essential for leadership in a rapidly changing global community. Through the pursuit of knowledge unconstrained by national or disciplinary boundaries, students who come to Middlebury learn to engage the world.”
What we can glean from this is that Middlebury exports its students to build this cherished “knowledge unconstrained by national boundaries” for the production of global community leaders. The emphasis here is on intellectual and professional cultivation. To expedite these processes the college implements a standard of language proficiency as the touchstone for immersion. By putting students in close touch with unfamiliar cultures, the college aims to foster the tenets of “universal sympathy” and “international responsibility” that underlie to global citizenship. 

Tuesday, September 27, 2011

"Cops Beat Up People Because They Know They Can Get Away With It "

Mainstream media (MSNBC) decrying police conduct at #OccupyWallSt


Cops are never your friends. 
They are not looking out for you. 
It has always been this way. It will always be this way.
Never trust a cop.

Thursday, September 22, 2011

First Post for a New Fall Season: An Irony for our Times

"Islam's borders are bloody and so are its innards."
-Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order


Contemporary critical scholarship has brought more than enough evidence/analysis to fundamentally reject Huntington's racist apologism for post- Cold War neocolonialism. In an ironic twist to his controversial 1993 thesis on championing U.S and European capital interests, two events took place tonight which once again call this "waspy" Harvard neocon to light.


Tonight at 11:08pm EDT Troy Anthony Davis, a black male from Savannah who by any objective measure was wrongfully convicted of murder, was put to death by the The Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles. 
Additional info please see Amnesty International Coverage
plus see the Atlanta IWW Solidarity Statement 
Just hours later, after responding to intense pressure from President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Iranian Judiciary released two Cal Berkley activists who had been imprisoned on suspicion of spying, in another political move, this time by Iran in which two lives were spared. 
Additional Info at Democracy Now!
These two white college graduates can now rejoin their families and enter into a world where they will come to be considered expert witnessed on Iran's politics. The latter observation is in no way dismissive of their innocence or judgmental of their intensions, but rather illustrative of contemporary white privilege. The truth is that Troy Davis was put to death either to make someone's life in Georgia a bit easier or to let the Supreme Court Justices in D.C get their beauty sleep.



On Samuel Huntington's thesis:


"A reductive and vulgar notion," an illustration "of the purest invidious racism, a sort of parody of Hitlerian science directed today against Arabs and Muslims"

-Professor Edward Said



"For these reasons we have been forced to the solution outlined by Professor Huntington: to crush the people’s war, we must eliminate the people."

-Professor Noam Chomsky


Despite these powerful sentiments from two respectable critical thinkers, we must ask ourselves these questions: Do we even still need the academic criticism to recognize the farce that is Huntington's thesis? Of course you'll undoubtably read it against Fukuyama in any intro IR/PSCI class at Middlebury. What a spectrum. Has it really stooped to this? Can a cursory reading of corporate media headlines provide the obvious insight that you may not even get with your education at Middlebury? Disagree? Fire away in the comments...


Friday, July 8, 2011

We were reviewed

over at One Minute Zine Reviews.

"Students at Middlebury have been thinking about big issues and it shows in the articulate and passionate writing within The Gadfly. This issue ranges from musings on the nature of corporate educational control to food insecurities, dealing with the cops, resisting labels and questioning capitalism. I’m older and jaded and have wondered: where are the alternative thinkers on campuses today? They’re reading The Gadfly."

Check it out!

Thursday, April 28, 2011

Wednesday, April 27, 2011

video repost

from State of Collapse.



And the mainstream media source: http://www.ajc.com/news/atlanta/attorney-cop-used-excessive-926236.html

Fucking pig bastards, all should be disbanded.
ACAB. Remember that. Nothing good can come from having a police force.

Tuesday, April 26, 2011


I'M A MIDD KID, I experiment with moderately liberal social attitudes that provide a self-satisfied sense of rebellion against the values of my parents, while still remaining well within the comfortable boundaries of bourgeois societal norms

Monday, April 25, 2011

OUT NOW!

Download the latest printed edition of the Gadfly here!



Hard copies will be appearing around campus today and tomorrow!
They are available NOW at the following locations:
Ross Dining Hall
Proctor Dining Hall
Davis Library
Crossroads Café
The Gamut Room

The "hardcover" copies are going quickly, but there are some paper copies available as well!


----

All copies were printed using donated student printing quotas. If you want to donate some of your leftover printing money next semester, please e-mail us! It would be greatly appreciated!

Saturday, April 23, 2011

out monday

being released on monday.
volume 1.2 of the gadfly.

100 copies are hand-bound with screen printed covers on recycled cardboard.
Additional copies without the cardboard covers will be available.
and it will be available to download.


keep your eyes peeled.

Tuesday, April 19, 2011

lecture of interest

thought this would be of interest to gadfly readers. it is not sponsored by us.

From Rabble-rousers to Revolutionaries: Inside Egypt’s Youth Movement, First in 2008, Again in 2011

By

David Wolman ’96.5
Author, Journalist, and Contributing Editor
WIRED Magazine

4:30 p.m., Tuesday, 4/26
Dana Auditorium

Sunday, April 17, 2011

Middlebury Dis/identifications: Building an Anti-Institution Campus Movement


I am writing this article to bring other activists into a conversation that has already begun among students who are working toward revolution and liberation, and who see all systems of oppression and privilege as irrevocably intertwined. I am writing this article for all of the radical activists who have ever felt disempowered or silenced after requesting institutional support for their causes. I am writing this article because, as an anti-oppression activist, I believe that the institution of Middlebury is systematically co-opting, regulating, neutralizing, silencing, and marginalizing our movements. When we want to make big waves at Middlebury, it can be nearly impossible to get authority figures to support us. The reason for this is that we are struggling for survival and liberation within an institution whose goals are often fundamentally at odds with our own. I am writing this article because I’m angry, and because, as Audre Lorde once wrote, “anger expressed and translated into action in the service of our vision and our future is a liberating and strengthening act of clarification, for it is in the painful process of this translation that we identify who are our allies with whom we have grave differences, and who are our genuine enemies.”

Let me start by defining what Middlebury is, exactly, because I think we students often forget. Middlebury is a corporation that disproportionately admits and hires heterosexual, able-bodied, cisgender, English-speaking white people with U.S. citizenship and no criminal background. It both benefits from and perpetuates oppressive ideologies of racism, sexism, capitalism, ableism, imperialism, and the gender binary. A corporation’s primary goal is to accumulate wealth. In a racist and sexist country, making profit typically requires perpetuating systems of power like white and male privilege. As a corporation, then, Middlebury would not exist today without oppressive systems like capitalism, white supremacy, and patriarchy. I am not arguing that Administrators intentionally perpetuate these systems. But first and foremost, Administrators are accountable to the corporation, and they want to preserve a particular image of this corporation that will lead to more profit. This means that for things like safety and access, Administrators typically will not go beyond compliance with government regulations. For example, why would they make old buildings more wheelchair accessible if the ADA doesn’t require it? The issue is not whether these are “nice people” who run our school; the issue is accountability, and the connections between Middlebury and the vast systems of power that structure all of our lives.

In the context of this corporate landscape, we cannot expect the institution to protect us from experiences of marginalization and violence in the classroom, in our dorms, and in the dining halls.

Think of the most successful activist campaigns in the past few years, and think of how they were presented to both the Administration, and to the general community: carbon neutrality, all-gender housing, and student printing budgets come to my mind. While these were all important victories that were achieved in spite of great institutional resistance, what these campaigns have in common is that they either save money for the corporation, or prevent potential lawsuits on the basis of discrimination (which also saves money). In order to be considered “successful” activists, we are often forced to perpetuate the common-sense logic of capitalism: goals like accumulating endless profit and competing with other higher-ed corporations are not questioned, and we ignore the human costs of exploited staff members and investments in unsustainable or oppressive markets.

For those who are or have been directly marginalized by capitalism, putting a dollar value on our activism can be degrading, oppressive, and marginalizing. But on a more systematic level, being forced to quantify our activism effectively silences radical or minority causes, whose goals may not save Middlebury enough money, or may not fit into this monetized system at all. The causes that lose out are the ones that overtly challenge Middlebury’s whiteness, male supremacy, and able-bodied privilege: causes with labels like “Diversity”, “Social Justice”, and “Sustainability” receive funding and institutional support because they lead to increased prestige and profits without forcing anyone to critically interrogate privilege and oppression. Ask yourself: if a top Administrator is presented with two campaigns – one that advertises experiences of racism in the classroom to incoming students of color, and one that advertises the racial diversity of our student body – whom do you think will get funding and support? Institutional support always comes with strings attached, which forces students to become accountable to the corporation, rather than to the political causes or marginalized populations we are supposed to be fighting for. Collaborating with Administrators limits our options in terms of the goals we can pursue and how we can achieve them. As someone who believes that capitalism is thoroughly enmeshed with all other systems of oppression, the goal of my activism is not to make Middlebury wealthier or more competitive, but rather to make it a more accessible environment with a more equitable power structure.

When activists work within Middlebury’s institutionalized avenues of change, we are forced to structure our organizations on a vertical-power model, like a corporation, with something mimicking a board of directors that makes decisions about how to spend money and what causes to support. This corporatized system of activism forces members of the same clubs to compete with one another for organizational power, which often silences and marginalizes those who do not win positions of authority. Corporatized activism also serves to pit entire clubs against each other in competition: environmentalists, prison abolitionists, and anti-racists compete for funding for symposia, speakers, parties, and club budgets, instead of collaborating to make the most effective, cross-cutting events and clubs possible. As a result, many radical activists who have been denied funding harbor resentment against students and organizations whose projects help Middlebury gain some “green prestige” or “diversity points”, but which don’t significantly improve the quality of our lives. The thing is, there is money at Middlebury, but most of it is spent on things like paint jobs and renovations. Our activism need not be a zero-sum game. We need to stop resenting the people whom the institution privileges, and start blaming the institution itself for pitting us against one another, for forcing us to see our causes as mutually exclusive, for spending money excessively and irresponsibly, and for using the empty promise of funding to neutralize radical critiques of power.

The lack of diversity among our organizing strategies shows that this institution not only structures and regulates our movements, but it has even limited the possibilities we can imagine for a better campus, and for a better world beyond Middlebury. I want to argue that the only way to combat the control that Middlebury has over our bodies, movements, and imaginations is through a radical dis-identification with the institution. In other words, we need to start thinking about what it would mean to work outside of these avenues that are designed to produce profit and prestige. While we should respect the efforts of institutional players like the Chief Diversity Officer and the Sexual Assault Oversight Committee, we should do so with extreme skepticism and distance, acknowledging that we are accountable to different causes.

Given that Administrators are accountable to the corporation, it is not surprising when they co-opt, exploit, and neutralize the efforts of radical student activists. Personally, I have routinely had my ideas co-opted by College employees, only to see them passed off as the gifts of a benevolent institution. I have been asked to put in long hours of unpaid labor for the goal of improving Middlebury – have completed research, staff workshops, and outreach campaigns that, frankly, are in the job descriptions of Administrators – and when my help was no longer needed or it was seen as forcing Middlebury beyond compliance, I have been told to be quiet and go home. In the classroom and in meetings with Administrators, I have been made to feel ridiculous, naïve, and immature for holding radical anti-capitalist and transfeminist views, and for making “impossible demands”. I know I am not the only one who has experienced this treatment. If this has been your experience, let’s vocalize and share our dissatisfaction, and turn it into something transformative.

We need to acknowledge that the revolution will not be funded – it will not come from the top-down, but from the ground-up. Instead of working with people who do not respect me and who want to keep me from dreaming big, I’d like to work directly with my communities to find ways of organizing outside the institution to build trust, love, accountability, and transformation in ways that aren’t defined by profit, prestige, and privilege. This is the conversation that I want us all to have.

This article was not meant to be an exhaustive critique of activism at Middlebury. But for those activists who have ever felt silenced and marginalized by the institution, I think we need to face some uncomfortable truths about our activism. First, we need to be more transparent about the fact that Middlebury would not be here without capitalism, white supremacy, and the stolen land it occupies. We need to question what it means to fight for acceptance, liberation, accessibility, and justice within such a corporation. We need to ask what it means that we, as anti-oppression activists, benefit from the social, cultural, and material capital that this oppressive institution hands to us. Second, we need to restructure our movements, and redefine political success as something more powerful and pervasive than a policy change or a Council. We need to rely less on institutional patronage as a means to our ends, and build community alternatives to colluding with authority, while being realistic about the fact that this community entirely renews itself every four years. Finally, and most importantly, we need to renegotiate the connections among our movements and the institution. In seeking out the radical possibilities for anti-institution collaboration, we need to demand – not request – that this experience we have purchased is not a damaging one. We need to turn our dissatisfaction with the institution into positive change by spreading guerilla art, staging sit-ins, storming Community Council meetings, organizing labor and academic strikes, speaking the truth to prospective students and Administrators, and shouting out our stories of how this institution has marginalized us.

What we need to do is stop trusting and identifying with Middlebury, Inc., and start being proud of our identities as wing-nuts, as rabble-rousers, and as pissed-off radicals.


(the gadfly )

Wednesday, April 13, 2011

A Palestinian State: No Freedom of Movement

A Palestinian State: No Freedom of Movement

"Nothing shall be done that may prejudice the religious or civil rights of the existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine" – Balfour Declaration, 1917

Despite the intention of the 1917 Balfour Declaration, existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine have consistently been denied their civil rights. Palestinians have been under strict regulations in the form of checkpoints, curfews, closures, and physical boundaries such as roads and blockades that have hindered the formation of a vibrant Palestinian civil society. The Israeli-Palestinian Agreement in 1993 (Olso I) served as a framework towards a two-state solution whereby Israel and Palestine agreed to, “strive to live in peaceful coexistence and mutual dignity and security to achieve a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace settlement.” Oslo included in Article 8, “Public Order and Security,” that “Israel will continue to carry the responsibility for defending against external threats, as well as the responsibility for overall security of Israelis for the purpose of safeguarding their internal security and public order.” On the ground, the enforcement of security became the strict establishment of separate roads for Israelis and Palestinians along with harsher restrictions on permits. A fundamental component of social order is the freedom of movement. Described as the matrix of control, Israeli regulations deny Palestinians freedom of movement through militarized regulations that directly prevent the emergence of an effective civil society within Palestinian territories. Throughout the peace process security concerns have resulted in the establishment of checkpoints with harsher permit systems, separation in the form of highways, bypass roads and curfews. These security measures have been in the interest of Israeli’s safety and have become methods of indirect control over Palestinian civil society.
Olso I marked the beginning of highly restricted movement within and around Occupied Territories. Oslo served as an interim-agreement to facilitate the establishment of a Palestinian state that could peacefully coexist with Israel. The agreement sought to establish a valid Palestinian state, ensured the withdrawal of the Israeli military, and also ensured the deployment of Israeli troops in Occupied Territories. These practices were important measures of ensuring security. During the time of Oslo, Israel had been victim to a suicide bombing, attacks and stabbings. Soon it was common for Israeli cars to be stoned when crossing Occupied Territories. An increase in uprisings during 1987 until 1993 instilled fear among Israelis. Thus, the legitimate use of force over the Palestinians in order to maintain security was regularly employed.
In September 1995, the Oslo II agreement set-up a framework that would divide the settlements into blocs: the West Bank was divided into Areas A, B, C, and D and Gaza was divided into Yellow, Green, Blue and White Areas. Oslo II began the total redeployment of the Israeli military in the areas that were strictly Palestinian settlements. These divisions worsened the constraints on movement between settlements. The break of the Second Intifada (2000-2004) resulted in severe enforcements on closures and curfews in Occupied Territories and established roads for Israelis with secondary routes for Palestinians.
Checkpoints serve as barriers between the areas within Occupied Territories. About 50,000 settlers live in each area and are required to present their permits in order to cross the checkpoints. Israeli troops staff checkpoints and are in charge of controlling the movement of persons and goods. By 2004, there were 48 staffed permanent barriers and 607 blockades. Palestinians apply for permits through the Civil Administration on the basis of age, sex, employment, institutional affiliation and political activity. Israelis are issued cards with blue plastic holders, Palestinian carry orange, and Gazans carry red holders. Additionally, political prisoners are also issued a different color. Based on criteria authorized by the Civil Administration, permits control access to cross certain checkpoints and roads.
Restrictions placed on movement through the use of checkpoints indirectly prevents Palestinians the access to resources, jobs and healthcare. After 1991, strict sanctions on Arab employers who were required permits resulted in a significant decline of the Palestinian workforce in Israel. Stories of Palestinian sending for an ambulance and the ambulance not being able to cross the checkpoint or blockade are commonly heard. Palestinian women have given birth at checkpoints. Moreover, the restrictions on movement undermine a flourishing Palestinian civil society. The humiliation the checkpoint system instills in the Palestinian people is detrimental. For a pregnant woman to have to give birth at a checkpoint because she is a potential security threat highlights the extreme measures taken on the restriction of movement by the Israeli military.
Systems of roads are constructed throughout the Occupied Territories to maintain separation between Israelis and Palestinians. There are twenty-nine bypass roads that cross West Bank settlements in order to connect Israeli settlements. Israeli settlements are built along the highways and the Green line. Palestinian construction is prohibited nearby. Highways and bypass roads fragment Palestinian settlements, creating disunity and isolation. A civil society becomes impossible to garner when there is such a divide among communities. Palestinian settlements are cut off from one another making inter-relationships, mobilization and attaining resources nearly impossible. The construction of roads has connected Israeli settlers while fragmenting Palestinian settlers.
Curfews have been issued in Palestinian settlements by the Israeli military as a method of security. This has proved to be a repressive security tactic against Palestinian life. Curfews function as collective punishment. Curfews allow the military to restrict entering and exiting an area under curfew and can last anywhere from a few hours to a few weeks. Palestinians refer to curfews as man’ al-tajawwul, an Arabic expression meaning “banning of movement.” Curfews were commonly used during the Second Intifada as a means of repressing uprisings and violence. Loss of jobs was a consequence for areas that were under curfew. Data has shown that from September 2000 to June 2003 employed dropped 50% in areas under curfew. Additionally, schools have been forced to close for long periods of time due to absences of students and teachers. Curfews are still a legitimate security measure employed by the Israeli military. These measures hinder the prospects of an effective civil society by denying Palestinians their basic rights through confinement. The divisions that are caused by checkpoints and roads are only furthered by the social and political isolation caused by curfews.
The formation of a civil society relies on basic freedoms that allow for freedom expression and movement. Israel’s interest in maintaining security has restricted basic freedoms, which has severely harmed the social and political fabric of the Palestinian people. Civil society among Occupied Territories cannot emerge when freedom of movement is denied. Apart from the immediate effects on movement, the morale of Palestinian nationhood is at risk. Unity and self-determination are values that strengthen civil society. Restrictions on movement through separation and control has divided and humiliated the Palestinian people. The civil liberties of Palestinians are absent from the current social and political reality. The peace process must reconsider what a two-state solution means for such an asymmetrical structure of power. There must be a shift in Israeli’s interest for security otherwise Palestinian civil society will not flourish.

Juliano Mer-Khamis, actor, director and political activist, was killed on April 4th in the Palestinian city of Jenin. He ran the Freedom Theatre in Jenin, which sought to empower Palestinian children through expression. There must be justice for Juliano and those who are suffering due to this enduring crisis.