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Thursday, September 22, 2011

First Post for a New Fall Season: An Irony for our Times

"Islam's borders are bloody and so are its innards."
-Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order


Contemporary critical scholarship has brought more than enough evidence/analysis to fundamentally reject Huntington's racist apologism for post- Cold War neocolonialism. In an ironic twist to his controversial 1993 thesis on championing U.S and European capital interests, two events took place tonight which once again call this "waspy" Harvard neocon to light.


Tonight at 11:08pm EDT Troy Anthony Davis, a black male from Savannah who by any objective measure was wrongfully convicted of murder, was put to death by the The Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles. 
Additional info please see Amnesty International Coverage
plus see the Atlanta IWW Solidarity Statement 
Just hours later, after responding to intense pressure from President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Iranian Judiciary released two Cal Berkley activists who had been imprisoned on suspicion of spying, in another political move, this time by Iran in which two lives were spared. 
Additional Info at Democracy Now!
These two white college graduates can now rejoin their families and enter into a world where they will come to be considered expert witnessed on Iran's politics. The latter observation is in no way dismissive of their innocence or judgmental of their intensions, but rather illustrative of contemporary white privilege. The truth is that Troy Davis was put to death either to make someone's life in Georgia a bit easier or to let the Supreme Court Justices in D.C get their beauty sleep.



On Samuel Huntington's thesis:


"A reductive and vulgar notion," an illustration "of the purest invidious racism, a sort of parody of Hitlerian science directed today against Arabs and Muslims"

-Professor Edward Said



"For these reasons we have been forced to the solution outlined by Professor Huntington: to crush the people’s war, we must eliminate the people."

-Professor Noam Chomsky


Despite these powerful sentiments from two respectable critical thinkers, we must ask ourselves these questions: Do we even still need the academic criticism to recognize the farce that is Huntington's thesis? Of course you'll undoubtably read it against Fukuyama in any intro IR/PSCI class at Middlebury. What a spectrum. Has it really stooped to this? Can a cursory reading of corporate media headlines provide the obvious insight that you may not even get with your education at Middlebury? Disagree? Fire away in the comments...


Friday, July 8, 2011

We were reviewed

over at One Minute Zine Reviews.

"Students at Middlebury have been thinking about big issues and it shows in the articulate and passionate writing within The Gadfly. This issue ranges from musings on the nature of corporate educational control to food insecurities, dealing with the cops, resisting labels and questioning capitalism. I’m older and jaded and have wondered: where are the alternative thinkers on campuses today? They’re reading The Gadfly."

Check it out!

Thursday, April 28, 2011

Wednesday, April 27, 2011

video repost

from State of Collapse.



And the mainstream media source: http://www.ajc.com/news/atlanta/attorney-cop-used-excessive-926236.html

Fucking pig bastards, all should be disbanded.
ACAB. Remember that. Nothing good can come from having a police force.

Tuesday, April 26, 2011


I'M A MIDD KID, I experiment with moderately liberal social attitudes that provide a self-satisfied sense of rebellion against the values of my parents, while still remaining well within the comfortable boundaries of bourgeois societal norms

Monday, April 25, 2011

OUT NOW!

Download the latest printed edition of the Gadfly here!



Hard copies will be appearing around campus today and tomorrow!
They are available NOW at the following locations:
Ross Dining Hall
Proctor Dining Hall
Davis Library
Crossroads Café
The Gamut Room

The "hardcover" copies are going quickly, but there are some paper copies available as well!


----

All copies were printed using donated student printing quotas. If you want to donate some of your leftover printing money next semester, please e-mail us! It would be greatly appreciated!

Saturday, April 23, 2011

out monday

being released on monday.
volume 1.2 of the gadfly.

100 copies are hand-bound with screen printed covers on recycled cardboard.
Additional copies without the cardboard covers will be available.
and it will be available to download.


keep your eyes peeled.

Tuesday, April 19, 2011

lecture of interest

thought this would be of interest to gadfly readers. it is not sponsored by us.

From Rabble-rousers to Revolutionaries: Inside Egypt’s Youth Movement, First in 2008, Again in 2011

By

David Wolman ’96.5
Author, Journalist, and Contributing Editor
WIRED Magazine

4:30 p.m., Tuesday, 4/26
Dana Auditorium

Sunday, April 17, 2011

Middlebury Dis/identifications: Building an Anti-Institution Campus Movement


I am writing this article to bring other activists into a conversation that has already begun among students who are working toward revolution and liberation, and who see all systems of oppression and privilege as irrevocably intertwined. I am writing this article for all of the radical activists who have ever felt disempowered or silenced after requesting institutional support for their causes. I am writing this article because, as an anti-oppression activist, I believe that the institution of Middlebury is systematically co-opting, regulating, neutralizing, silencing, and marginalizing our movements. When we want to make big waves at Middlebury, it can be nearly impossible to get authority figures to support us. The reason for this is that we are struggling for survival and liberation within an institution whose goals are often fundamentally at odds with our own. I am writing this article because I’m angry, and because, as Audre Lorde once wrote, “anger expressed and translated into action in the service of our vision and our future is a liberating and strengthening act of clarification, for it is in the painful process of this translation that we identify who are our allies with whom we have grave differences, and who are our genuine enemies.”

Let me start by defining what Middlebury is, exactly, because I think we students often forget. Middlebury is a corporation that disproportionately admits and hires heterosexual, able-bodied, cisgender, English-speaking white people with U.S. citizenship and no criminal background. It both benefits from and perpetuates oppressive ideologies of racism, sexism, capitalism, ableism, imperialism, and the gender binary. A corporation’s primary goal is to accumulate wealth. In a racist and sexist country, making profit typically requires perpetuating systems of power like white and male privilege. As a corporation, then, Middlebury would not exist today without oppressive systems like capitalism, white supremacy, and patriarchy. I am not arguing that Administrators intentionally perpetuate these systems. But first and foremost, Administrators are accountable to the corporation, and they want to preserve a particular image of this corporation that will lead to more profit. This means that for things like safety and access, Administrators typically will not go beyond compliance with government regulations. For example, why would they make old buildings more wheelchair accessible if the ADA doesn’t require it? The issue is not whether these are “nice people” who run our school; the issue is accountability, and the connections between Middlebury and the vast systems of power that structure all of our lives.

In the context of this corporate landscape, we cannot expect the institution to protect us from experiences of marginalization and violence in the classroom, in our dorms, and in the dining halls.

Think of the most successful activist campaigns in the past few years, and think of how they were presented to both the Administration, and to the general community: carbon neutrality, all-gender housing, and student printing budgets come to my mind. While these were all important victories that were achieved in spite of great institutional resistance, what these campaigns have in common is that they either save money for the corporation, or prevent potential lawsuits on the basis of discrimination (which also saves money). In order to be considered “successful” activists, we are often forced to perpetuate the common-sense logic of capitalism: goals like accumulating endless profit and competing with other higher-ed corporations are not questioned, and we ignore the human costs of exploited staff members and investments in unsustainable or oppressive markets.

For those who are or have been directly marginalized by capitalism, putting a dollar value on our activism can be degrading, oppressive, and marginalizing. But on a more systematic level, being forced to quantify our activism effectively silences radical or minority causes, whose goals may not save Middlebury enough money, or may not fit into this monetized system at all. The causes that lose out are the ones that overtly challenge Middlebury’s whiteness, male supremacy, and able-bodied privilege: causes with labels like “Diversity”, “Social Justice”, and “Sustainability” receive funding and institutional support because they lead to increased prestige and profits without forcing anyone to critically interrogate privilege and oppression. Ask yourself: if a top Administrator is presented with two campaigns – one that advertises experiences of racism in the classroom to incoming students of color, and one that advertises the racial diversity of our student body – whom do you think will get funding and support? Institutional support always comes with strings attached, which forces students to become accountable to the corporation, rather than to the political causes or marginalized populations we are supposed to be fighting for. Collaborating with Administrators limits our options in terms of the goals we can pursue and how we can achieve them. As someone who believes that capitalism is thoroughly enmeshed with all other systems of oppression, the goal of my activism is not to make Middlebury wealthier or more competitive, but rather to make it a more accessible environment with a more equitable power structure.

When activists work within Middlebury’s institutionalized avenues of change, we are forced to structure our organizations on a vertical-power model, like a corporation, with something mimicking a board of directors that makes decisions about how to spend money and what causes to support. This corporatized system of activism forces members of the same clubs to compete with one another for organizational power, which often silences and marginalizes those who do not win positions of authority. Corporatized activism also serves to pit entire clubs against each other in competition: environmentalists, prison abolitionists, and anti-racists compete for funding for symposia, speakers, parties, and club budgets, instead of collaborating to make the most effective, cross-cutting events and clubs possible. As a result, many radical activists who have been denied funding harbor resentment against students and organizations whose projects help Middlebury gain some “green prestige” or “diversity points”, but which don’t significantly improve the quality of our lives. The thing is, there is money at Middlebury, but most of it is spent on things like paint jobs and renovations. Our activism need not be a zero-sum game. We need to stop resenting the people whom the institution privileges, and start blaming the institution itself for pitting us against one another, for forcing us to see our causes as mutually exclusive, for spending money excessively and irresponsibly, and for using the empty promise of funding to neutralize radical critiques of power.

The lack of diversity among our organizing strategies shows that this institution not only structures and regulates our movements, but it has even limited the possibilities we can imagine for a better campus, and for a better world beyond Middlebury. I want to argue that the only way to combat the control that Middlebury has over our bodies, movements, and imaginations is through a radical dis-identification with the institution. In other words, we need to start thinking about what it would mean to work outside of these avenues that are designed to produce profit and prestige. While we should respect the efforts of institutional players like the Chief Diversity Officer and the Sexual Assault Oversight Committee, we should do so with extreme skepticism and distance, acknowledging that we are accountable to different causes.

Given that Administrators are accountable to the corporation, it is not surprising when they co-opt, exploit, and neutralize the efforts of radical student activists. Personally, I have routinely had my ideas co-opted by College employees, only to see them passed off as the gifts of a benevolent institution. I have been asked to put in long hours of unpaid labor for the goal of improving Middlebury – have completed research, staff workshops, and outreach campaigns that, frankly, are in the job descriptions of Administrators – and when my help was no longer needed or it was seen as forcing Middlebury beyond compliance, I have been told to be quiet and go home. In the classroom and in meetings with Administrators, I have been made to feel ridiculous, naïve, and immature for holding radical anti-capitalist and transfeminist views, and for making “impossible demands”. I know I am not the only one who has experienced this treatment. If this has been your experience, let’s vocalize and share our dissatisfaction, and turn it into something transformative.

We need to acknowledge that the revolution will not be funded – it will not come from the top-down, but from the ground-up. Instead of working with people who do not respect me and who want to keep me from dreaming big, I’d like to work directly with my communities to find ways of organizing outside the institution to build trust, love, accountability, and transformation in ways that aren’t defined by profit, prestige, and privilege. This is the conversation that I want us all to have.

This article was not meant to be an exhaustive critique of activism at Middlebury. But for those activists who have ever felt silenced and marginalized by the institution, I think we need to face some uncomfortable truths about our activism. First, we need to be more transparent about the fact that Middlebury would not be here without capitalism, white supremacy, and the stolen land it occupies. We need to question what it means to fight for acceptance, liberation, accessibility, and justice within such a corporation. We need to ask what it means that we, as anti-oppression activists, benefit from the social, cultural, and material capital that this oppressive institution hands to us. Second, we need to restructure our movements, and redefine political success as something more powerful and pervasive than a policy change or a Council. We need to rely less on institutional patronage as a means to our ends, and build community alternatives to colluding with authority, while being realistic about the fact that this community entirely renews itself every four years. Finally, and most importantly, we need to renegotiate the connections among our movements and the institution. In seeking out the radical possibilities for anti-institution collaboration, we need to demand – not request – that this experience we have purchased is not a damaging one. We need to turn our dissatisfaction with the institution into positive change by spreading guerilla art, staging sit-ins, storming Community Council meetings, organizing labor and academic strikes, speaking the truth to prospective students and Administrators, and shouting out our stories of how this institution has marginalized us.

What we need to do is stop trusting and identifying with Middlebury, Inc., and start being proud of our identities as wing-nuts, as rabble-rousers, and as pissed-off radicals.


(the gadfly )

Wednesday, April 13, 2011

A Palestinian State: No Freedom of Movement

A Palestinian State: No Freedom of Movement

"Nothing shall be done that may prejudice the religious or civil rights of the existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine" – Balfour Declaration, 1917

Despite the intention of the 1917 Balfour Declaration, existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine have consistently been denied their civil rights. Palestinians have been under strict regulations in the form of checkpoints, curfews, closures, and physical boundaries such as roads and blockades that have hindered the formation of a vibrant Palestinian civil society. The Israeli-Palestinian Agreement in 1993 (Olso I) served as a framework towards a two-state solution whereby Israel and Palestine agreed to, “strive to live in peaceful coexistence and mutual dignity and security to achieve a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace settlement.” Oslo included in Article 8, “Public Order and Security,” that “Israel will continue to carry the responsibility for defending against external threats, as well as the responsibility for overall security of Israelis for the purpose of safeguarding their internal security and public order.” On the ground, the enforcement of security became the strict establishment of separate roads for Israelis and Palestinians along with harsher restrictions on permits. A fundamental component of social order is the freedom of movement. Described as the matrix of control, Israeli regulations deny Palestinians freedom of movement through militarized regulations that directly prevent the emergence of an effective civil society within Palestinian territories. Throughout the peace process security concerns have resulted in the establishment of checkpoints with harsher permit systems, separation in the form of highways, bypass roads and curfews. These security measures have been in the interest of Israeli’s safety and have become methods of indirect control over Palestinian civil society.
Olso I marked the beginning of highly restricted movement within and around Occupied Territories. Oslo served as an interim-agreement to facilitate the establishment of a Palestinian state that could peacefully coexist with Israel. The agreement sought to establish a valid Palestinian state, ensured the withdrawal of the Israeli military, and also ensured the deployment of Israeli troops in Occupied Territories. These practices were important measures of ensuring security. During the time of Oslo, Israel had been victim to a suicide bombing, attacks and stabbings. Soon it was common for Israeli cars to be stoned when crossing Occupied Territories. An increase in uprisings during 1987 until 1993 instilled fear among Israelis. Thus, the legitimate use of force over the Palestinians in order to maintain security was regularly employed.
In September 1995, the Oslo II agreement set-up a framework that would divide the settlements into blocs: the West Bank was divided into Areas A, B, C, and D and Gaza was divided into Yellow, Green, Blue and White Areas. Oslo II began the total redeployment of the Israeli military in the areas that were strictly Palestinian settlements. These divisions worsened the constraints on movement between settlements. The break of the Second Intifada (2000-2004) resulted in severe enforcements on closures and curfews in Occupied Territories and established roads for Israelis with secondary routes for Palestinians.
Checkpoints serve as barriers between the areas within Occupied Territories. About 50,000 settlers live in each area and are required to present their permits in order to cross the checkpoints. Israeli troops staff checkpoints and are in charge of controlling the movement of persons and goods. By 2004, there were 48 staffed permanent barriers and 607 blockades. Palestinians apply for permits through the Civil Administration on the basis of age, sex, employment, institutional affiliation and political activity. Israelis are issued cards with blue plastic holders, Palestinian carry orange, and Gazans carry red holders. Additionally, political prisoners are also issued a different color. Based on criteria authorized by the Civil Administration, permits control access to cross certain checkpoints and roads.
Restrictions placed on movement through the use of checkpoints indirectly prevents Palestinians the access to resources, jobs and healthcare. After 1991, strict sanctions on Arab employers who were required permits resulted in a significant decline of the Palestinian workforce in Israel. Stories of Palestinian sending for an ambulance and the ambulance not being able to cross the checkpoint or blockade are commonly heard. Palestinian women have given birth at checkpoints. Moreover, the restrictions on movement undermine a flourishing Palestinian civil society. The humiliation the checkpoint system instills in the Palestinian people is detrimental. For a pregnant woman to have to give birth at a checkpoint because she is a potential security threat highlights the extreme measures taken on the restriction of movement by the Israeli military.
Systems of roads are constructed throughout the Occupied Territories to maintain separation between Israelis and Palestinians. There are twenty-nine bypass roads that cross West Bank settlements in order to connect Israeli settlements. Israeli settlements are built along the highways and the Green line. Palestinian construction is prohibited nearby. Highways and bypass roads fragment Palestinian settlements, creating disunity and isolation. A civil society becomes impossible to garner when there is such a divide among communities. Palestinian settlements are cut off from one another making inter-relationships, mobilization and attaining resources nearly impossible. The construction of roads has connected Israeli settlers while fragmenting Palestinian settlers.
Curfews have been issued in Palestinian settlements by the Israeli military as a method of security. This has proved to be a repressive security tactic against Palestinian life. Curfews function as collective punishment. Curfews allow the military to restrict entering and exiting an area under curfew and can last anywhere from a few hours to a few weeks. Palestinians refer to curfews as man’ al-tajawwul, an Arabic expression meaning “banning of movement.” Curfews were commonly used during the Second Intifada as a means of repressing uprisings and violence. Loss of jobs was a consequence for areas that were under curfew. Data has shown that from September 2000 to June 2003 employed dropped 50% in areas under curfew. Additionally, schools have been forced to close for long periods of time due to absences of students and teachers. Curfews are still a legitimate security measure employed by the Israeli military. These measures hinder the prospects of an effective civil society by denying Palestinians their basic rights through confinement. The divisions that are caused by checkpoints and roads are only furthered by the social and political isolation caused by curfews.
The formation of a civil society relies on basic freedoms that allow for freedom expression and movement. Israel’s interest in maintaining security has restricted basic freedoms, which has severely harmed the social and political fabric of the Palestinian people. Civil society among Occupied Territories cannot emerge when freedom of movement is denied. Apart from the immediate effects on movement, the morale of Palestinian nationhood is at risk. Unity and self-determination are values that strengthen civil society. Restrictions on movement through separation and control has divided and humiliated the Palestinian people. The civil liberties of Palestinians are absent from the current social and political reality. The peace process must reconsider what a two-state solution means for such an asymmetrical structure of power. There must be a shift in Israeli’s interest for security otherwise Palestinian civil society will not flourish.

Juliano Mer-Khamis, actor, director and political activist, was killed on April 4th in the Palestinian city of Jenin. He ran the Freedom Theatre in Jenin, which sought to empower Palestinian children through expression. There must be justice for Juliano and those who are suffering due to this enduring crisis.